Beyond Foraging and Collecting: Evolutionary Change in by Ben Fitzhugh, Junko Habu

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By Ben Fitzhugh, Junko Habu

LEWIS R. BINFORD AND AMBER L. JOHNSON The organizers of this quantity have introduced jointly authors who've labored on neighborhood sequences, a lot as conventional archaeologists tended to do, although, with the trendy objective of addressing evolutionary swap in hunter-gatherer structures over very long time spans. Given this formidable aim they properly selected to invite the authors to construct their remedies round a focal query, the software of the forager-eollector continuum (Binford 1980) for learn on archaeological sequences. keep in mind that, Binford used to be flat­ tered via their selection and understandably learn the papers with loads of curiosity. whilst he used to be requested to jot down the foreword to this provoca­ tive booklet he anticipated to benefit new issues and during this he has no longer been dissatisfied. the typical organizing questions addressed one of the individuals to this quantity are easily, how precious is the forager-eollector continuum for explanatory study on sequences, and what else could we have to recognize to give an explanation for evolutionary switch in hunter-gatherer diversifications? so much sequences record platforms switch, in a few feel. although we do not inevitably know the way a lot synchronous systemic variability there could have been relative to the documented series, such a lot authors have attempted to handle the matter of inside of platforms variability. during this experience, such a lot are working with sophistication no longer visible between conventional tradition historians. the first challenge for archaeologists of the new release sooner than Binford was once the best way to date archaeological materials.

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Extra resources for Beyond Foraging and Collecting: Evolutionary Change in Hunter-Gatherer Settlement Systems

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My meaning of the term is somewhat broader. Aquatic hunter-gatherers are those whose production activities rely on water for procuring food, other resources, and for transportation. I use this term because there is no alternative that clearly distinguishes these from terrestrially based economies. "Maritime hunter-gatherer" generally refers to people who exploit marine environments, be they close inshore littoral environments or distant pelagic ones. The phrase has always struck me as both too broad and too narrow.

Decisions to field process are based on a variety of factors, including transport costs. Transport costs are determined by, among other things, the weight and bulkiness of the material to be carried, the available transportation technology, and the transport distance. Pedestrian hunter-gatherers can reduce weight and bulk by field processing before transport. Field processing also increases the net nutritional return from transporting food resources. O'Connell et a!. (1990) suggest that three factors affect transport decisions (for meat and bones) among terrestrial foragers: carcass size, size of carrying party, and the distance from the kill site to the residential base.

6 aquatic and terrestrial hunter-gatherers in western North America, including California (aquatic and terrestrial I), the Northwest Coast and Plateau/ and the Arctic and Subarctic. 5 I used the density figures in Kelly's Table 6-4 11 assigned groups to the ·'aquatic" and '·terrestrial" classes based on my reading of ethnographies, particularly the accounts in the Handbook (Heizer 1978). This assignment was not always straightforward. Some groups located on or near the Pacific coast made almost no use of coastal resources, for example.

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