By Vivien Hart
What distinction does a written structure make to public coverage? How have ladies staff fared in a kingdom certain through constitutional ideas, in comparison with these no longer coated via formal, written promises of reasonable strategy or equitable consequence? to enquire those questions, Vivien Hart strains the evolution of minimal salary rules within the usa and Britain from their universal origins in women's politics round 1900 to their divergent results in our day. She argues, opposite to universal knowledge, that the virtue has been with the yankee constitutional method instead of the British.
Basing her research on basic examine, Hart reconstructs felony concepts and coverage judgements that revolved round the attractiveness of ladies as staff and the general public definition of gender roles. Contrasting seismic shifts and enlargement in American minimal salary coverage with indifference and eventual abolition in Britain, she demanding situations preconceptions in regards to the constraints of yankee constitutionalism as opposed to British flexibility. although constitutional necessities did block and frustrate women's makes an attempt to achieve reasonable wages, in addition they, as Hart demonstrates, created a terrain within the usa for principled debate approximately ladies, paintings, and the state--and a momentum for public policy--unparalleled in Britain. Hart's booklet might be of curiosity to coverage, exertions, women's, and felony historians, to political scientists, and to scholars of gender concerns, legislations, and social coverage.
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Extra resources for Bound by Our Constitution
The Trade Boards Bill itself was introduced to the Commons with a ﬁne medical metaphor: “The application of this measure is very limited. It is intended to be applied exclusively to exceptionally unhealthy patches of the body politic where the development has been arrested in spite of the growth of the rest of the organism. ”31 The disease metaphor went beyond the transmission of smallpox and typhoid in garments made in sweatshops, to social health and moral purity, to sin and morbidity. In the eyes of NASL the system was an evil, a sham, an indulgence and a source of ruin.
83 Her opposition split at least two women’s organizations to which she belonged, the National Council of Women and WIC. 84 When Black proposed that WIC endorse a minimum wage for home and factory workers, MacDonald was furious. MacDonald had placed herself on one end of the range of opinion: she stood for no Wages Boards at all; Black’s group within WIC and the WTUL for Wages Boards for all sweated workers. “What fun it would be if we all converted each other on Jan. ” WIC and WTUL shared only the ultimate goal of ending sweating.
It is doubtful whether there is any more important condition of individual and general well-being than the possibility of obtaining an income sufﬁcient to enable those who earn it to secure, at any rate, the necessaries of life. 48 The unlikely coalition of left and right had to be reassured that sweating was a limited, pathological sector of the economy. Opponents “may say that [the Trade Boards Act] is the thin end of the wedge. It is not a wedge at all. Our remedy is only intended to apply to a very limited extent.