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P. 218. 33. Gladys and Kurt Lang, The Battle for Public Opinion: the President, the Press and the Polls during Watergate (New York: Columbia University Press, 1983), p. 305. 34. Colin Seymour-Ure, ‘Political Parties and the Media’, in Studies on the Press, Royal Commission on the Press, Working Paper No. 3 (London: HMSO, 1977). 35. ), Privacy (Chichester: John Wiley, 1978), p. 181. 36. Hearst, ‘The Development of Cable Systems and Services’, Political Quarterly, Vol. 54, No. 3 (July/Sept. 1983), p.
It was, therefore, a somewhat more prosaic affair than might have been expected. Significantly a public service form of provision, financed and controlled by the state, only commanded widespread political support when the representatives of a private conglomerate bidding during 1924 for a franchise to provide a commercial radio service were discovered to be involved in a tangle of political intrigue widely reckoned to be serving British Imperial interests. 17 The issue had become for the members of the newly re-established Dail Eirean (the parliament of the Irish Free State), one of national sovereignty and cultural integrity.
Broadcasting policy is now motivated by the wider concerns of political economy. Central to those wider concerns has been the growing scepticism of a number of western governments about the state’s capacity to regulate the economy—and indeed about the desirability of state management of this area. Parallel to the intellectual crisis in Keynesianism and social democracy has occurred a crisis in confidence in public service broadcasting. 4 million; long-term indebtedness was the equivalent of 80 per cent of total assets), but also by an increased questioning of the legitimacy of the monopoly, or at least priority, of state broadcasting over the air waves.