Canada: The State Of The Federation 2002: Reconsidering The by J Peter Meekison, Hamish Telford, Harvey Lazar

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By J Peter Meekison, Hamish Telford, Harvey Lazar

Starting with an exam of the position of "traditional" associations similar to Parliament, cupboard, the splendid court docket, and political events, "Canada: country of the Federation 2002" affirms the long-held trust that those our bodies don't supply powerful boards for interregional bargaining, making a void that has been crammed not less than partially through govt federalism. participants finish that the functionality of conventional associations, taken as a complete, has deteriorated over the past a number of many years, putting extra strain at the procedures of government federalism.

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H. Bakvis (Toronto: Dundurn, 1991). 22. It is much too soon to judge if the new Conservative Party is the beginning of a return to broader based brokerage-style parties. 23. Arend Lijphart, Patterns of Democracy: Government Forms and Performance in Thirty-Six Countries (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1999). 24. Donald Savoie, Governing From the Centre: The Concentration of Power in Canadian Politics (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1999), p. 43. 25. Herman Bakvis, Regional Ministers: Power and Influence in the Canadian Cabinet (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1991), p.

The question of border security arising after 9-11 and the August 2003 power failure in the northeastern states and Ontario demonstrate the importance of and the need for effective transnational institutions and co-operation. The general issue of federalism and international relations or the role and position of provinces in international relations is by no means a recent phenomenon. The 1937 decision of the JCPC in the Labour Conventions Case determined that the performance of treaties was subject to the distribution of legislative powers.

Executive federalism assumes that elite accommodation produces results acceptable to the electorate; in effect, that the agreement of political leaders equals the mobilization of consent. This no longer holds true in the area of constitutional amendment. Many important players in Canadian politics seem to demand symbolic goods that they believe must be recognized through constitutional amendment and entrenchment. This has led to two problems: first, a devaluation of the legitimacy and importance of ordinary statute law as passed by Parliament as a protection and affirmation of rights and identity; and second, a sense of frustration and grievance because the constitutional amending process does not lead to the formal acceptance of their concerns.

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