By David Martin Jones
Through the Stuart monarchy oath taking turned a way to implement renowned allegiance to the king (who had develop into head of either the church and the kingdom throughout the past Tudor reign). In an age more and more preoccupied via sense of right and wrong, this in the beginning helped to bolster the monarch's energy. but, ironically, religiously and constitutionally stimulated teams strongly objected to such kingdom oaths, and the test by means of the crown to implement such unconditional allegiance served to create a countervailing culture that adversarial it. This e-book discusses either the allure of the country oath to govt as a devise to advertise and safe aid, and the explanations why sense of right and wrong declined in political relevance during the eighteenth century.
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Additional resources for Conscience and allegiance in seventeenth century England: the political significance of oaths and engagements
Example text
D. Clark, Revolution and Rebellion: State and Society in England in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries, (Cambridge, 1986) p. 118. 14 J. Tully "Governing Conduct," in E. ), Conscience and Casualstry in Early Modern Europe, (Cambridge, 1988). , p. 69 Page 5 constitutional or Hanoverian settlement persuasion it could be exploited through devices like the oath to silence dissent. Such an interpretation not only seems to clash with the view of those analysts of modernization from Weber to Gellner16 who have identified a link between the values attached to the developing Protestant conscience and the spirit of capitalism, but also, and somewhat differently, with a number of revisionist historical accounts of Civil War, Restoration, and Hanoverian politics that have asserted the continuity of British institutional history and the conservative and traditionalist character of its moral and political development.
Dworkin cited in M. Walzer, Interpretation and Social Criticism, (Harvard, 1987), p. 28. 10 C. Taylor, Sources of the Self: The Making of the Modern Identity (Cambridge, 1989), p. 515. 12 Such reductionism is made plausible, despite caveats to the contrary, by the continuing tendency to see history and, more particularly, the history of political thought, leading to the triumph of one of a variety of universalistic ideological possibilities. "13 This approach assumes an irresistible liberalizing tide in British affairs and its motors were an evolving secularism, the inexorable rise of a new urban middle class animated by a capitalist ethic and the seismic shift in wealth and power occasioned by the industrial revolution.
In this view, ''thick" conceptions of need, derived from a particular experience of diversity, gender, or minority underrepresentation, create just entitlements. 6 However, the suggestion that the state might e converso resolve the issue of membership by a test of loyalty in the form of an oath strikes the contemporary liberal-communitarian conscience, whether of a universalist or particularist provenance, as rebarbative. . "7 The occasional propensity of the modern secular state to disport this characteristic, moreover, leads some commentators to consider oath-taking, when not merely ritualistic, a primitive and morally reprehensible activity.